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Renhufvudet, som offras åt Num TN Нум is the heavenly deity, a creator god whose opposite is TN ңа, an earthly deity. (Chomič 1977: 5–7; See also Castrén 1853: 13–18). ställes på en stör. Ostjakerne lagga det i ett tråg, v.f. The reindeer head, which is sacrificed to Num, is placed on a pole. The Ostyaks put it in a trough; see above. Då man medelst jillsi TN ильця, ʻtwo objects leaning on each other used by a shaman for foretelling or in discussing with the deceased (for example a partly empty glass of water covered with a knife; two axes or knives whose metal parts lean together)’ (Теrеščеnko 2003 [1965: 143). vill taga reda på en förlo- rad ren, frågas råd af Häheh. TN хэхэ ʻidol, sacred’. See [bolvan]. - Vid jillsi ställes en slipsten å marken, derå ett eldstål, en yxe, eller ngt[något] jern (stål dylikt. When one wants to find out about a lost reindeer through performing a jillsi, one asks for advice from Häheh. When performing a jilsi, a grindstone is set on the ground, together with the iron plate that is kept under the fire, an axe, or something similar. Tadibén See [Tadibe]. radfrågas, hvar man kunde göra en lycklig fångst, hvilken dag fångsten lyckligt afloper och mera dylikt. Tadibé is asked where one could get a lucky catch, on what day the catch would be lucky, and the like. Hvad Num sänder, kan Tadibeen ej ändra, hvad som härflyter från onda mskor[människor], sådant kan hjlepas. What Num sends, Tadibe cannot change; what flows from evil men, with that he can help. För en Tadibe Here, Castrén is summarising two shamanic belief narratives, which are intrinsic part of shamanism (Lukin 2012). See also [en tadibe] and a similar narrative published in [Samojediska sagor.] insjuknade hans dotter. Bröstet vär- kte Tadib[en]. uppskar bröstet och uttog deri- från en ryttare af jern, sittande på en jernhäst med lung i handen. En annan tog ur bröstet en pil. Tadibe’s daughter fell ill. Her chest ached; Tadibe cut the breast and took out an iron rider, sitting on an iron horse with her lung in his hands. Another took an arrow from her chest. Hos en Ostjak förlorades en yxe. Tadiben slog [k]ydes, Russian kud, kudes ʻevil spirit, devil’ from which kudesnik ʻmagician, sorcerer’. Veniamin (1855: 117–118, 128–129) also uses the expression bit’ kudes; udarit’ neskol’ko raz v penzer – baraban ʻto beat kudes, to hit the penzer-drum a few times’. TN пензерʹʹ ʻтадебя’s drum'. och yxen nedföll rakt från molnen. An axe was lost by an Ostyak. Tadibe hit kydes, and the axe fell straight from the clouds. När en Samojed om morgonen uppstiger och går ur tältet, vänder han sig mot solen, yttrande: Jileumbaertje, Jileumbaertje (заря) Pudar (uut) jilen Как ты станешь, Manj (uut) jileham Такъ и мы станемъ. TN Илевямбэртя, Илевямбэртя Пудар (нгод) илен Мань илехам’ ʻJiljevjambertja, Jiljevjambertja As you rise, so we rise.ʻ See [Jileumbartje] (RL, TaS, KL) Om aftonen, när han går till hvila, ställer han sig med ansigtet mot aftonrodnaden och yttrar: When a Samoyed gets up in the morning and goes out of the tent, he turns to the sun, uttering: Jileumbaertje, Jileumbaertje (dawning) Pudar (uut) jiden ’As you rise’ Manj (uut) jideham ‘So we rise.’ In the evening, when he goes to rest, he stands up with his face towards the evening dusk and utters:
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Björnen hålles helig. The ambiguous nature of both brown (TN варк) and white (TN сэрʹ варк) bears is reflected in the multitude of circumlocutions such as TN париденя, педарэй, панэда парико, ваңгутана мэна, ири, хэбидя, and сэрʹ, явы respectively. The restrictions related to women are in line with the practices described in [Qvinnor]. (Chomič 1976: 26) En qvinna får ej åka i en rensläde, om någon af renarne har en <lämka> af björnskinn. The bear is considered to be sacred. A woman is not allowed to ride in a reindeer sledge if any of the reindeer have a bearskin <-->. Björnens kött See also Chomič 1966: 135. ätes alltid rå. Före måltiden tvås sig <---> Bear meat is always eaten raw. Before the meal, they wash themselves <---> Wid ders strupe aflägges ed. Taking an oath by the bear is also mentioned, in addition to ethnographic sources, also in documents related to colonial administration. (Perevalova 2019: 44-45) An oath is taken by the throat of the bear. Samojj.[Samojeder] taga alldrig lifvet af möss. Somliga hålla före, att bröstet skall verka häraf, an- dra åter mena, att räfvar och fjällrackor då ej låta fånga sig, ty dessa djur lifnära sig med möss. Samoyeds never take the lives of mice. Some point out that it would have an impact on the chest; others say that foxes and Arctic foxes would not allow themselves to be captured, as these animals feed on mice.
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Då en Samojed aflidt, gör man en Hähé, A special term, TN сидяңг, сидряңг, or TN ңытарма, is known for these images. Here, TN хэхэ is used as a general category, whereas сидряңг can denote both the shadow soul that leaves the body as a human or non-human animal dies and the image made to communicate with the soul; ңытарма tends to denote only the latter. The idea of this anthropomorphic figure is to materialise the recently deceased so that they can live together with the family. They are dressed, fed, and talked to and kept in the sleeping space of the tent and after some years, they are moved to live with the other images in the TN сиʹ or TN хэхэʹ хан. There is regional and temporal variation, depending on who these images are made of and how long they are communicated with. (Lehtisalo 1924: 140–143; Chomič 1977) See also [Den döde] and [den döda]. som under trenne års tid äras uti tältet i stället för den aflidne. Hvarje g[ån]g man äter, framsättes äfven ett föda för hähe. Om dagarne sitter han påklädd i tältet men till natten afkläder man honom och bringer honom till hvila. Efter de tre årens förlopp kastas bolvanen i likkistan bredvid den döde. When a Samoyed dies, one makes a Hähe who is honoured for three years outside the tent instead of the deceased. Every time they eat, they also make food for the hähe. During the day he sits dressed in the tent but at night they undress him and let him rest. After three years, the bolvan is thrown in the coffin next to the deceased.
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Bolvaner Here, Castrén is denoting the TN сядэй that the Nenets carry with themselves. See also [bolvan] äro klädda. Af dem finnas manliga och qvinliga, de förs[tnämda]. äro soml[iga]. klädda i mans andra i qvinno- kläder, mössa, ringar och hvarjehanda prydnaden. Bolvans wear clothes. They can be of male and female sex; the first are dressed in men’s clothes, the second in women’s, a hat, rings, and every kind of decoration. Bolvaner finnas för särskilda ända- mål (drf[derföre] deras stora antal) somliga 1) för vackert väder 2) för lycklig fångst 3) för helsa; 4) för trolldom om ngt förlorats 5) för skilna saker. There are bolvans for different purposes (which explains their large number): 1) for beautiful weather; 2) for a good catch; 3) for health; 4) for witchcraft if something is lost; 5) for different things. När Samoj[eden]. offrar, See [renen]. afskär han först öronen och kastar för idoler, för att lycklig fångst. Afdraga huden, öppna buken, bestryka idolernes anleten med blod. Lägga lefver, lunga, feta etc. i ett färsk fat för hvarje idol och och sätta den framför Gudabilden. Wäntar en half timma, bort- tager faten och börja sjelfva äta ur faten. Derpå Sedan i fatet intet återstår, börjar man äta återstaden af renen. Qvinnor få hvid ej vara när tillst[ädes]. Slut[ligen]. kokas en gryta, på fältet åt qvinnor bringas, hvad som återstår, till tältet. When a Samoyed makes a sacrifice, he first cuts off the ears and throws them to the idols, for a good catch. He then peels off the skin, opens the underside, and spreads blood onto the faces of the idols. He lays the liver, lungs, fat, etc. in a clean dish for each idol and and puts them in front of the images of the god. After having waited half an hour, he takes the dishes away and starts eating out of the dishes himself. When nothing remains in the dish, they start eating the remainder of the reindeer. Women are not allowed to be nearby. Finally, they cook [the rest] in a pot outside. What remains is brought to the tent for the women.
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Likasom enl[igtt]. traditionen Urier See also Castrén 2019: 480, 515. uppsteget till himlen, så är bland Samojederne ännu i dag den tron rådande, att mskor[människor] lefvande uppstiga till de öfre rymderne. Så hände nyligen på Bol- schesemelske tundran, när en Prest andaktsfullt förtäljde om Elias som Gud för hs[hans] fromhets skull lefvande till sig upptog, att en Samojed yttrade: "Hvad är detta för under du taljer? Min bror for ock nyligen till himlen." As in the tradition that Urier went up to heaven, so the Samoyeds believe even today that people can go to the upper spaces. This happened recently in the Bolshezemelskaja tundra; when a priest devoutly spoke about Elijah, whom God, because of his piety, took alive to himself, a Samoyed said: “What is this you are talking about? My brother also recently went to heaven.”
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Den döde Castrén’s description of burial customs corresponds to other contemporary descriptions. The deceased are said to be buried in their own clothes in wooden coffins that only seldom get buried underground. The deceased is equipped with everyday utensils and a sledge, which are all broken during the ritual. Additionally, reindeer slaughtered near the burial place are given to the deceased. Consequently, their life is thought to continue in the hereafter. när (Lepehin 1805: 116–118, 257; Islavin 1847: 135–139; Schrenk 1848: 522-523; also Chomič 1966: 217–222; 1977: 24–28) See also [Hähe] and [den döda]. begrafves i den klädnad han har på sig, då han dog i en ambar af träd, dere lägges, blott de kläder, den döda bär sednast bar på sig, så ock en sked, och ett fat. The deceased is buried in the clothing he was wearing when he died, in a shed made of boughs. Only the clothes the deceased last wore, and also a spoon and a dish, are laid in the shed. Ofvan grafven bygges en ambar af tre, dervid Wid ambaren lemnas hans släde, skiljes från släden ders medor och головки för att man ej må taga dem. Harjej-stån- gen jemte spjutet lemnas ock vid grafven ambaren (spjutet) By the shed, one leaves his sledge, whose runners and golovki are taken away because they must not be taken by others. The harjej-pole, together with a spear, is also left at the shed. I qvinnors graf dets[amma]. som i mannens i ambaren «dessutom pengar, räfvar, псець m.m., om den döde varit rik.» jernet, hvarpå elden brinner, (sked, skål); vid grafven släde och harjej. Women’s graves are similar to men’s. «also money, fox, Arctic fox pelts, etc., if the deceased was rich.» the iron plate upon which the fire burns (spoon, bowl); at the grave sledge and harjej.
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När Here Castrén is describing short sacrificial prayers, typical of the Nenets rituals, which can take place either in the tundra or in the camp. As seen, the sacrifices can be related, for example, to luck in livelihood and health. In the prayer, the spirit in question is briefly addressed. For similar prayers, see Lehtisalo 1947: 547–550. Samojeden bugande sig för bilden, begär de då af Guden till ex. en god fångst, med yttrar han följande ord: Хан-есей тапте-нумь, туэтао ани бона, тысемъ хатангу выя масанъ-ди, айвахаюда, TN Ханесэй табʺта Нум, туетав аниʹ пона, тымʹ хаданнгу, вэя’ масан’’-диʹ, нгэва хаюда ʻWhen Num gives prey, I will pray next year, I will kill a reindeer, smear its blood [on the idol], leave the head.’ (RL, Tas, KL) - богъ дасть промысель, олень зо- давю, на новыи годъ стану молиться и кровю вымажу, рога и голова останутся. Vid sjukdom: Нян адимда соумбадамъ тымь ха тангу, хатко выемъ масангу, айва хаюда нямъ савой, TN Нян адимда, савумдабaмʹ, тымʹ хаданггув, хадкo вэямʹ масанггу, нгэваʹ хаюда, нямдсавэй ʻIf I get better, I will kill a reindeer, definitely smear its blood [on the idol], and leave the head and antlers.’ (RL, TaS, KL) id. теперь не могу, если поправлюсь, олень задавлю, кро-вю вымажу, голова съ рогами оста-нутся. When a Samoyed bows to an image and asks the god for, for example, a good catch, he utters the following words: Хан-есей тапте-нумь, туэтао ани бона, тысемъ хатангу выя масанъ-ди, айвахаюда. ʻWhen Num gives prey, I will pray next year, I will kill a reindeer, smear its blood [on the idol], leave the head.’ In the event of illness: Нян адимда соумбадамъ тымь ха тангу, хатко выемъ масангу, айва хаюда нямъ савой. ʻIf I get better, I will kill a reindeer, definitely smear its blood [on the idol], and leave the head and antlers.’ När renen As implied, a reindeer is not always sacrificed. A sacrifice without a sacrificial animal is called TN хаңор, whereas TN ханʹ denotes a ritual with an animal sacrifice. A sacrificial reindeer is traditionally killed by strangling it. Typically, the idols are fed with blood or fat, which are spread on the idol, but cooked food can also be served to an idol. In addition, reindeer skulls and antlers are left in the place (Chomič 1977). strypes för bolvanen, Ru bolvan ʻidol’ was widely used in the North to denote the different kinds of images of deities among the northern indigenous peoples. TN сядэй and хэхэ would correspond to ‘bolvan’. Of these, сядэй refers explicitly to the images, whereas хэхэ is a more general category referring to objects and phenomena related to the other world. Хэхэ is also used to denote family-related idols. Generally, the images of deities can be made of wood or stone. They can be remarkable stones in the middle of the tundra or bigger man-made anthropomorphic carvings. These are usually offered to when they are met in the tundra. Additionally, there are smaller images that are carried along either in TN хэхэʹ хан or inside clothes and left in sacred places. (Lehtisalo 1924: 147–148; Lehtisalo 1956: 431; Chomič 1966: 199–208; Lar 2004) yttras härvid endast: Hui, tör djamaei, tör mue', TN Хoй, тэр тямэйʺ, тэр мыʺ ʻHow, here’s the reindeer, take the reindeer!’ (RL, TaS, KL) ой вотъ тебе олень, возми олень. Qvinnor This could go back to the complex of TN сяʺмэй [Qvinnor]. äro ej närv[arande] vid offringen. Samojederne släpa en släda TN хэхэʹ хан ʻsacred sledge’. A special sledge for the religious items of the family, especially different TN хэхэʹ ʻidols’, and other ritual necessities. During the movement of the camp, хэхэʹ хан comes behind the head of the camp. In the camp, хэхэʹ хан is placed behind the tent and its sacred place, TN си, drawing an imaginary line that the women should not cross. (Chomič 1966: 206; Golovnev, Kukanov & Perevalova 2018: 214–215) full (30-40) med bolvaner. When a reindeer is strangled for the bolvan, they only say: Hui, tör djamaei, tör mue' ʻHow, here’s the reindeer, take the reindeer!’ Women are not present at the sacrifice. The Samoyeds drag a sledge full (30-40) of bolvaner. Vid offrning Man offrar hufvudet och klöfvarne, äter köttet på stället. When sacrificing one offers the head and the hooves; the meat is eaten on the spot.
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På Waigats Vajgač Island (TN Хэхэʹ я, Хэбидя я) in the Pečora Sea at N70°1′13″ E59°28′56″. (TS, KL) finnes en såkallad Petschora пещера Bolvanskij Nos (TN Хэхэʹ саля) is a high cliff face with an open cave situated at the southern end of the island. The sacrificial place situated on the hill is also called TN Вэсако ‘Old man’, and it is further described on page 180. [180: Hähe salje] (Schrenk 1848: 353–354; Islavin 1847; 114–118; Bojarskij 2000: 80) tvenne пещеры, - en på Югорскiй шаръ (ej stor), vid sjelfva hafstranden. Den andra i mitten af Waigats, ifrån 4 arschin bred; till 1 arschin, löper 300 saschen till en flod, kld[kallad] Болванская река. The Bolvanskaja reka (TN Хэхэ' яха). A river flowing in the canyon between Bolʹšaja bolvanskaja gora and Malaja bolvanskaja gora. Castrén is here referring to what was later called the sacrificial place of the Bolʹšaja Bolvanskaja hill, situated in the highest place of the island. The place is also known as TN Хадако or Небяʹ хэхэ. According to Bojarskij, there is a long and deep cleft in the northern side of the place, “resembling a womb”. Vid denna пещера finnes stenen, den tillbedes, ej пещ[ера]. såsom mga[många] qvartar. Stället der omkring var fordom jemt och glatt; derefter infann sig dervid en sten af särdeles msklig[mänsklig] skepnad, «Efter skepnaden af dna[denna] sten göra de nu Gudabilder af träd.» åt den äras som Gud, deråt offras renar genom strypning «När renen blifvt strypt, slås den i flottet ges och rökes (brännes) för bolvanen, som ock bestrykes med renblod. Vid bestrykningen buga de sig tre ggn[gånger] för bilden. Offret göres till återvinnande af helsa, för god fångst etc. På sna[sådana] sätt offras för träd-beläten.» och stenen bestrykes med renblod. There are two so-called peščery in Waigats, one in Jugorskij šarʹʹ (not large), by the very seashore. The other in the middle of Waigats, from four to one arschin wide, runs 300 saschen to a river, called Bolvanskaja reka. At this peščera, there is a stone, which is worshipped, not a peščera, as in many other caves. The place around the place used to be even and smooth; then a stone with a human form appeared. «Nowadays, they make images of gods of trees following the shape of this stone.» it [the stone] is worshipped as a God; they sacrifice strangled reindeer to it. «When the reindeer has been strangled, it is beaten; the fat is given and smoked (burned) for bolvanen, which are also spread with reindeer blood. When spreading the blood, they genuflect three times to the image. The sacrifice is made for the recovery of health, for a good catch, etc. They sacrifice in a similar way for tree idols.» and the stone is spread with reindeer blood.
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Cap. 6 Urier, en ryktbar Tadibé. Urier According to the travelogue, Castrén noted the narrative down from a female TN тадебя he met while travelling by boat from Kolva to the east in 1843. He also related the narrative in his letter to Collan (Castrén 2019: 513–515), and it ended up in his published travelogue, too (1852: 243, 270–274). The tale is of interest for Castrén because of its mythic nature and because it relates to the living environment of the Nenets and its history. Lehtisalo noted down a similar narrative in Mezenʹ and in the lower Obʹ area (Lehtisalo 1924: 78, 139). beslöt att fara till himlen, och taga med sig sina tvenne hustrur, af hvilka den sednare hustrun hade barn, men den förstgifta var barnlös. Urier befalte sina hustrur att sy åt sig och hvardera sjelf nya kläder. Intet gammalt stycke, ej ens ett förut nyttadt band skulle få finnas i kläderna. Kläderna voro färdiga och Ur[ier]. begifver sig uppåt. Renarne stadna på wägen. Urier inser, att hans befall- ning ej blifvit åtlydd och frågar af hustrurna, om något hvarföre man icke åtlydt hans befallning. Den sednare hustrun svarar, att det smärtat henne lemna barnen efter sig ock samt att derföre insydt ett gammalt band. Då lät Urier lat henne fara ned till jorden och; sjelf for han med den första hustrun till himlen och kör der ofvan på molnen, så att dånet höres ända till jorden. Stället defr.[derifrån] han begaf sig till himlen, visas ännu i dag på Uralska bergen och kallas Uriers шопка. Sjelfva Ural skall hafva bär fått sitt namn efter honom. Chapter VI Urier, a famous Tadibé. Urier decided to go to heaven and take his two wives with him. The second wife had children, but the one he had married first was childless. Urier commanded the wives to sew new clothes for himself and themselves. No old piece, not even a ribbon previously used, would be allowed to be in the clothes.The clothes were finished and Urier got up. The reindeer were standing ready. Urier realised that he had not been obeyed and asked the wives why they had not followed his orders. The second wife replied that it hurt her to leave the children and that she therefore sewed an old ribbon into the clothes. Urier let her go down to the earth and he himself went with his first wife to heaven and drove there over the clouds, so that the rumble was heard on the earth. From there he went to heaven, and even today he appears on the Ural Mountains and it is called Urier’s slope. The Urals themselves are named after him.
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Gängse sjukdomar bland Samojeder och Ostjaker äro: venerisk smitta, lepra och skörbjugg. Common diseases among the Samoyeds and Ostyaks are venereal infection, leprosy, and scurvy.
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Liksom Lapparne iaktaga äfven Samojederne den sed, att du främma emot en främmande, att han ledes att sitta på högra sidan om spiseln vid vär- den och värdinnan. The Nenets tent is divided into two halves by a virtual line crossing the tent from the door to the back, TN сиʹ. The right-hand side is the men’s side and is higher in social status, whereas the left-hand side is the women’s and children’s. (Chomič 1966: 108–109; Stammler 2005: 85–87; Golovnev, Kukanov & Perevalova 2018: 216–237) Legafolket och barnen sitta på den venstra sidan. Like the Lapps, the Samoyeds also follow the custom that you set the stranger to sit on the right-hand side of the hearth beside the host and the hostess. The workers and the children sit on the left-hand side. Emedan Samojederne äro vana att föra ett stilla sittande lif, kunna deras ben ej härda ut att hellst nå- gra minuter stå upprätt. Äro de nödsakade att stå, iaktaga de då stödja de sig vanligtvis mot nå- gon vägg. Annars fråga de, om de ej an- lofligt att sitta. Because the Samoyeds are used to sitting and to a still life, their bones cannot endure standing upright even for a few minutes. If they are forced to stand, then they usually lean on a wall. Otherwise they ask if they could sit down. Wana att gå mycket försiqtigt i sin kåta, iaktaga de samma försigtighet in i hus. De gå i en lutande ställning och stiga på tårna.
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Samojedd[er]. äro mycket omtåliga och mistänks[amma]. För ett snedt ord gifva de den största fördel till spillo. The Samoyeds are very impatient and are mistrustful. They can waste a large deal for only one angry word. Samojj.[Samojeder] stå bland Ryssar i högt ans[eende]. för sin andliga capacitet. De äro mkt[mycket] begripl[iga]. och öfvertr[äda]. derföre vid allm[änt]. lärowerk andra lärjungar. I s[ynner]het hafva de alla en afgjord färdighet att skrifwa. The Russians esteem the Samoyeds highly for their spiritual capacities. They are very clever and therefore they usually outperform the other students. They share a definite skill in writing.
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Samojederne äro oförskräckta. På små båtar färdas de till Nov[aja]. Sem lja, och tyckas ej begripa att dervid är ngn[någon] fara. Härom talade frågade, jag med en Samojed, och yttrade frågade, att stormen lätt kunde om han ej hyste några fruktan för storm och oväder. "Blir det storm," menade Samojeden, "så finnes äfven andra öar, och det gör mig lika, om jag hamnar på Nov[aja]. Semlja eller på Waigats." Det kun- de ju hända, fortfor jag, att du hamnade i andra werlden, men hvarken på Nov[aja]. S[emlja]. eller Waigats. "Hamnar Ännu finnas der andra öar, t.ex. Dolgoj, fortfor Samoj[ed]. "Är du då viss på, att ham- na på någon af dessa öar och begriper du ej, att stormen kunde stjelpa din lilla båt." Alltid hamnar man någonslädes, och det gör mig lika, om stormen ock skulle föra mig till Matvájeff." The Samoyeds are fearless. They travel to Novaja Zemlja in small boats, and do not seem to understand that there is any danger. I once talked with a Samoyed and asked if he had no fear of storms and bad weather. “If there will be a storm,” said the Samoyed, “there are also other islands, and I do not care if I end up on Novaja Zemlja or on Vajgač.” “But it could happen,” I continued, “that you end up on other islands than Novaja Zemlja or Vajgač.” “There are other islands, such as Dolgoj,” continued Samoyed. “Are you sure that you could land on any of these islands and don’t you understand that the storm could sink your little boat?” “You always land somewhere, and I would not care if the storm brought me to Matveev.”
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[Cap. 5] National-Carakter National character, in relation to the philosophy of Hegel and Herder, can also be seen as a part of a wider phenomen in texts describing the ethnically or socially other in European travel writing and literature. It was part of the task of ethnography to describe the national character in the 19th century. In St. Petersburg, what were called psychic differences between nationalities by Nadeždin were emphasised. Although Castrén never visited the Russian Geographical Society, he was most probably aware of the discussions. De Kaninska och Timanska Samojederne hafva ett äkta Zijenare-lynne. Den rikaste bland dem anser det ej vara under sin värdighet att tigga och vägrar man dem, hvad de äska, gripa de till grafva ord och hotelser. Bedrägeriet är en annan ders utmärkande egenskap. En Samojed, som jag gjort till min förtrogne, varnade mig att alldrig betala skjutspe- ning i förskott eller betro Sam[ojed]. det minsta. En Samoj. Ofta söka de bedraga hvarandra genom fallska docu- menter. (Hände mig ock Ett sådant document utgafs i mitt namn, ett annat i Venjamins. En Samojed ville meddela mig falsk lärdom. Sådant hafva Samojj.[Samojeder] lärt sig af Ryssar och Syrjäner. Chapter V National Character The Kanin and Timan Samoyeds have a genuine gipsy character. Even the richest among them does not consider it to be below his dignity to beg and if one refuses to give what they ask for, they resort to coarse words and threats. Fraud is another of their distinctive skills. A Samoyed, who was my confidant, warned me never to pay for a ride in advance or to trust a Samoyed even a little. They often try to deceive each other through false documents. (One such document was given under my name, another in Veniamin’s.) One Samoyed wanted to give me false information. This is what the Samoyeds learned from the Russians and Syrians. Samojederne hafva mycken anlag för satir. The Samoyeds have a deep tendency to satire. Samojedernes förnämsta dygd är hjelpsamhet. The foremost virtue of the Samoyeds is helpfulness.
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Om fadren ej lefver, har den yngsta brodren rätt att äkta sin hustr syster (Se sjud[babts]. 4) If the father is not alive, the youngest brother has the right to marry his sister (See syudbabts 4) Om vintern begrafves ofvan, om sommaren in i jorden. See also pages [172], [175], and [178]. In the winter, the deceased are buried on the earth, in the summer, in the earth.
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När en Samojedisk hustru är i beråd att föda, gör man för hennes räkning en liten tsjum (meädiko) och tillkallar en пови- валная бабка. För henne måste födelskan bekänna om hon varit sin man otrogen. Utan en slik bekän- nelse kan ingen förlossning ega rum. Samma likt är mannen underkastad. Similar habits were described by Kostikov (1930: 42–43) in the early 20th century. See also [ackuschörska]. When a Samoyed wife is about to give birth, she covers the costs of a little tent (meädiko) being made and calls for a midwife. The woman in labour must confess in front of the midwife if she has been unfaithful to her husband. Without such a confession, no childbirth can take place. Her husband is subjected to the same confession.
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Obs. A Nenets wedding is a complex ritual that takes place in both the bride’s and the groom’s home camp. The wedding begins after the bride price and dowry are ready, when the groom comes, together with the spokesman and his family, to the tent of the bride. There, several ritual games, such as the capturing of the groom and his family by the bride’s family and the passing of a red cloth to the tent by the groom, take place. After a reindeer has been slaughtered and a meal served, the participants get ready to leave for the groom’s tent. Similarly, ritual games are played when the bride leaves, together with the dowry, to the groom’s tent: attempts are made to capture her from her sledge. Later, on the way, there might be people ritually stealing the bride. In the groom’s tent, a festive meal is also served. (See Chomič 1966: 167–171.) Bruden föres med wåld af qvinnor från brud- gummens anhöriga i släden och fastbindes och bringas i släptåg efter brudgummens mor till sitt nya hem. Efter bruden äro följa i släp- tåg slädar med hemgifte. Brudens renar böra vara betäckta med rödt kläde, så ock de renar, hvilka bringa hemgifte. NB: The bride is carried by force by the groom’s female relatives in a sledge, and brought after the groom's mother to his new home. The bride is followed by sledges with the dowry. The bride’s reindeer should be covered with red cloths, as should the reindeer which carry the dowry. Ett år efter giftermålet kommer hustrun att gästa en tid hos fadren. Hon erhåller då kläder och hvarjehanda gåfvor, se Pallas. Pallas 1776: 72–74; 1788: 96–98. Obs. kalym återgifves, om hustrun snart dör. One year after the marriage, the wife will spend some time in her father’s camp. She receives clothes and all kinds of gifts; see Pallas. NB: Kalym is given back if the wife dies soon after marriage.
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Cap. IV. Chapter IV Giftermål. Matchmaking, roughly of a similar kind, is described in several sources. The dialogue is also noted down in note. (Zuev 1947: 60–62; Schrenk 1848: 474–479; Islavin 1847: 125–130; Chomič 1966: 162–173.) När fråga blir om giftermål, far brod- gummen att fria jemte entalman. Talmannen går i tsjum- men, men friaren stadnar utanföre vid sin släde.Tal- mannen andrager sitt ärende med följande ord. (Se min tryckta beskrifvning). Castrén’s description of a Nenets wedding, TN тюняʹ, is one of the earliest, together with Zuev’s and Beljavskij’s (Zuev 1947: 60; Beljavskij 1833: 118; see also Castrén 2019: 455–463. Marriage. When it comes to marriage, the groom travels to propose marriage together with the matchmaker. The matchmaker goes to the tent, but the groom stays outside in his sledge. The matchmaker announces his business in the following words. (See my printed description.) Hos Samojederne säljas döttrarna, af rika till ett ovanligt högt pris, t[ill]. och med 40 renar, samt dessutom kläde, räfvor fjällrockor m.m. Stundom har Alltid är priset så högt, att en fattig Samojed med mindre vållar i stort bekymmer och hufvudbry, när fråga blir om att komma sig till hustru. The amount and quality of the bride price, TN неʹ мирʹ, was negotiated by the spokesman and the father of the bride. According to Chomič, the bride price typically consisted of (female) reindeer together with hides and clothes and sacred reindeer used for pulling sacred sledges. The dowry, TN нгэдинзэй, мядинзэй, paid by the family of the bride, included sledges with women’s clothes, household goods, food, and even a tent. As noted by Stammler, in the bride price the reindeer cannot be considered only through their economic value, but as “a kind of cultural property for maintaining relations within the community sphere”. The sense of reciprocity in the bride price and dowry is central for the Nenets, and these gifts can also be considered, in addition to being a price, as an exchange that builds long-term connections between families. (Chomič 1966: 165–167; Stammler 2005: 176–178) I ett tält lefde för några år sedan på BS. T. [Bolschesemelska tundran] en gammal Samojedin med en ung hustru och en brorson. Familjen var fattig, och brorsonen ville nödv[ändigtvis]. gifta sig men egde ej medel att köpa sig hustru. Då sade En gång yttrar farbrodren: Jag här en gammal vorden och behafva mig är ingen hustru af nöden; tag du min hustru och lef med henne, såsom med din egen. Sål[unda]. kom brorsonen ur sin förlägenhet. Among the Samoyeds the daughters are sold, those of the rich at an unusually high price, even for 40 reindeer, as well as clothes, fox and Arctic fox skins, etc. The price is always so high that a poor Samoyed worries and troubles himself when it comes to finding a wife. A few years ago in the Bolshezemelskaja tundra, there was an old Samoyed living together with a young wife and a nephew. The family was poor, and the nephew insisted on marrying, but had no means to buy a wife. Once his uncle uttered: I will be old and in no need of a wife; take my wife and live with her as if she was your own. And that is how the nephew got out of his predicament.
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Samojederne pålägga ej sina qvinnor Traditionally, women’s space is centred in and around the tent and the camp, in contrast to men, who work and typically move outside the tent and the camp. The tent as a whole can be considered a women’s space, as putting up and taking down the tent is led by women, who also keep the tent warm and take care of its furnishing. (Golovnev, Kukanov & Perevalova 2018: 234–237; Serpivo 2016) stränga arbeten: de fiska sjelfva, samla sjelfve sin ved, qvinnorna sitta mest i tältet, sy kläder, koka maten. The Samoyeds do not put their women to work rigorously: they fish and collect firewood, and the women mostly sit in the tent, sewing clothes and cooking food.
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öfverlopps-artikel. Så eger han intet begr[epp]. om att samla göra besparing af husförnöden- heter. När han t.ex. fiskar om sommaren, och fiska-fänget en dag aflöper efter önskan, så rör han sig den andra dagen ej ur tältet och begriper ej, huru h[var]före Ryssar idkeligen fiska, änskönt de afton nödgas låna fisk af Ryssarne. spare change as soon as possible. Similarly, he has no idea of saving household supplies. When, for example, he fishes in the summer, and one day the catch is bigger than hoped for, the next day he does not move out of his tent and does not understand why the Russians are constantly fishing, even though in the evening he is forced to borrow fish from the Russians.