Ethnographiska, historiska och statististiska anmärkningar. 220
Liket See [den döde]. föres ut ge.[genom] bakväggen med huf- vudet förut. The corpse is taken out through the back wall head-first.
Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 222
Natsko-Pumpokolsk The following four manuscript pages describe the so-called Nacko-Pumpokolʹsk Samoyed, a community of Selkups living on the upper reaches of the River Ket. Castrén visited the Nacko-Pumpokolʹsk Selkups in April 1846. The toponym Nacko-Pumpokolʹsk goes back to the Ostyak volosts of Nackaja and Pumpokolʹskaja, led by the princes of Jamak and Urnuk. For the linguistic notes, see [Manuscripta Castreniana Ostiak-Samoiedica.] (Miller 1941: 44; Castrén 1855: 145–147). är den fattigaste af alla sydl. Samojed-voloster, belägen vid öfva Ket. Tillwånare lefva uteslutande af jagt och fiskafånge, Living in the West Siberian forest areas, fishing and hunting were the main sources of livelihood of the Selkups. In the northern living areas, small-scale reindeer herding, and in the southern ones horses and cattle formed additional sources of livelihood and means of transport. For an overview, see Golovnev & Tučkova 2005: 317–328. hvardera näringsgrenen hör föga lönande. Ekorr-fånget liksom på nor. sidan det förnämsta tillvånarne lefva i torf=jurt, i skogar under jagt=tiden i näfver-tält eller så kallade станы (lewas-Maat NP.), SE lewai-maat. See [MC Ostiak-Samoiedica’s vocabulary] For an overview of the Selkup dwellings, see Sokolova 1998: 21–26. gjorda såsom näfverstält af tun med spetsigt tak, fyrkantiga nedtill - bestå af smala brädor. Ingen enda äger ordentlig, Rysk stuga. Torfjurt (*cai-mat) SE čai-mat. See [MC Ostiak-Samoiedica’s vocabulary] For an overview of the Selkup dwellings, see Sokolova 1998: 21–26. är det wanligaste och bästa boningen - Sådana jurt stå antligen allena, eller äro uppbyggda två, högst tre på ett och samma ställe. Natsko-Pumpokolsk is the poorest of all the southern Samoyed Volosts, located on the upper reaches of the River Ket. The residents live exclusively from hunting and fishing, with each source of livelihood yielding little profit. Squirrel-hunting, as on the northern side. Most of the inhabitants live in peat yurts, in the forests, or during the hunting season in birch bark tents or so-called stany (lewas-Maat NP), made similarly to the birch bark tents, with a pointed roof, square at the bottom, consisting of narrow boards. No one owns a proper Russian cottage. A peat yurt (*cai-mat) is it the most common and the best dwelling. Such yurts stand either alone, or two side by side, with a maximum of three in one place. Samtl.[Samtliga] byarna som eger sitt särsk. nämn i N. Pump. vol.[Natsko Pumpokolsk volosten] äro Merg-aig(é), Kaam kul=to, Keet-iikê(iik), Marg(k)a, Purjaango Dessa äro alla belägna vid Ket. The villages located in the Natsko Pumpokolsk volost that have their own names are Merg-aig (é), Kaam kul-to, Keet-iikê (iik), Marg (k) a, and Purjaango. These are all located on the Ket. NB. Stället, byn heter så. Lagerstället i skogen har ingen benämning, ej heller fisk=wattnet. Somliga bland de Pump. Ostjj. [Pumpokolska Ostjakerna] The Pumpokolʹsk Ostyaks refer to Kets who live as neighbours of the Selkups in the area. Ostyak was an exonym used by Russian colonists to refer to fishers and hunters, separating them from pastoralist reindeer herders. In other words, Ostyak does not refer here to an ethno-linguistic community. hafva hästar, men ingen ang. [angående] boskap. Hästen lemnas на волю, då som ligen förfogar sig på jagt eller fiskafånge. NB: A place, a village is named. A camp place in the forest has no name, and nor do fishing waters. Some among the Pumpokolsk Ostyaks have horses, but no cattle. The horses are left free when they devote themselves to hunting or fishing. De äro samtligen döpta, och hafva Ryska tillnamn. Tillvånaren i Merg-aig heta Bjelosero, i Kankul likaså, i Keet-iike Suutorow i Marka Mungalэ (förmodt gammal). They are all baptised, and have Russian surnames. The residents of Merg-aig are called Bjelosero, as are the residents of Kankul. The residents of Keet-iike are called Suutorow and those of Marka Mungalэ (presumably old).
Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 223
jango Durshinin o.s.v. jango Durshinin, etc. Landet wid öfra Ket lågt- uppfylldt med moar å ömse sidor af floden, hföre[härföre] begge sidorna äro befolkade med Ostj. The land on the lower reaches of the Ket is low and filled with moors on both sides of the river, which is why both sides are populated with Ostyaks. I Natsko=Pumpokolsk finnes blott en knäsets. Western Siberia was divided into indigenous principalities that dated back to the times of Mongol colonisation. As noted by Miller, both Nackaja (or Kadyškaja) and Pumpokolʹsk were centres of principalities before they were merged in in the beginning of 17th century. See [knjaz] (Miller 1941: 44). [knjazhestvo] In Natsko-Pumpokolsk there is only one principality. Namnet Natsko-Pumpokolsk förek[ommer]. ej bland Ostjj.[Ostjaker] och kan af dem ej uttalalad. Vo- losten har intet Ostj.[Ostjakist] namn. The name Natsko-Pumpokolsk does not occur among the Ostyaks and cannot be pronounced by them. The volost has no Ostyak name. Kläderägten är Rysk, churu зипунъ SE čī̮nəľ mi̮. See [MC Ostiak-Samoiedica’s vocabulary] A zipun is a dress made of fabric or reindeer skin and worn by both women and men. For an overview of Selkup clothing, see Tučkova 2005a: 342–347). stundom göres af renskinn. Mössan åtskiljer män och qvinnor. Hos männerna är mössan hög och spetsig, hos qvinnorna låg och rund. Skjortan är hos qvinnorna stl. [stiligt] broderad och utgör om sommaren sjelfva ofvan plagget. The clothing is Russian. Churu ‘zipunʹʹ is sometimes made of reindeer skin. The hat separates men and women. Men’s hats are high and pointed, women’s low and round. Women’s shirts are embroidered in style and during summer, they form the upper garment. Ket heter här Kêêt (Kêt), stor flod Kî, biflod Kîkke(a), Jenisej heter Njándesi, Ob Koltto, o.s.v. у насъ никакая рыба не живетъ, только: чебакъ окунь, щука, налимъ, язъ, гершь, сорога, елець, лень. The Ket is here called the Kêêt (Kêt), a large river Kî, a tributary Kîkke (a), the Yenisei is called Njándesi, the Ob is called the Koltto, etc. We do not have any fish, only: roach, perch, pike, burbot, ide, geršʹ, soroga, common dace, lenʹ.
Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 224
Bifloder till Ket: Soĉer (Сочеръ), Ostj.[Ostjakiska] Koet-iike (iige), Kuut-aig, Jolówa (Елова) Keldshiga, falla ifrån högra sidan: Soĉer och Keldshiga, ifrån venstra Jolowa midt emellan: Soc. [Soĉer] och Keldsh. [Keldshiga] Tributaries of the River Ket: Soĉer (Sočerʹʹ), in Ostyak Koet-iike (iige), Kuut-aig, Jolówa (Elova), Keldshiga, flowing from the right-hand side: Soĉer and Keldshiga, from the left; Jolowa in between: Soc. [Soĉer] and Keldsh. [Keldshiga] I skogen är ekorrfånget nästan det enda, som nu brukas. En familj utsätter ända till 500 giller för ekorrar. Ryssar ändatill 1500, som alla skötas af 2-3 pers. In the forest, squirrel hunting is almost the only thing practised nowadays. One family sets up to 500 squirrel traps and the Russians as many as 1500, taken care of by two or three persons. Ofvanom Makowskij (7 verst) byn Philippowa, bestående af 3 gårdar; nedanom Makowskij (47 verst) Worosheika (10 gårdar), derifrån framåt 2-3 dags resor till Monastirj Losinoborskij Preobražesnkij monastirʹ (Ketskaja pustynʹ), founded in the early 1670s (Mankova 2017). (Лосиноборская Во- чина) består af 3 gårdar. Här fanns förut ett kloster, som längesedan är upplöst. Här idkas ej åkerbruk, men wäl i de öfriga byarna. Above Makowskij (7 versts) the village of Philippowa, consisting of three farms; below Makowski (47 versts) Worosheika (ten farms), from there onwards after two or three days’ travel Monastirj (Losinoborskaja Vočina) consists of three farms. There used to be a monastery here, which was closed down a long time ago. The fields are not cultivated here, but it is done well in the other villages. A[n]rättningar: The Selkup diet is dominated by fish, as can be seen in this list but also in other ethnographic descriptions. See Tučkova 2005: 347–350. Rå, kokt och torkad fisk och stekt fisk kokt och stekt kött Burduk, Salamåt In Siberia and the Arkhangel’sk region the Ru burduk (burda) refers to a meat soup thickened with a considerable amount of flour, also Ru salamata, TN я. А bouillon with meat, TN евей. (Dalʹ 1994a: 349; Dal’ 1994b: 12; Chomič 1966: 134) Bröd stekes i watten. Fiskflott drickes och ätes med med bröd. Bär Man äter ej björnkött. Ekorre, hare etc. ätes, ej räf, filfras, varg. Dishes: Raw, cooked and dried and fried fish Cooked and fried meat Burduk, Salamåt Bread is made with water. Fish fat is drunk and eaten with bread. Berries Bear meat is not eaten. Squirrels, hares, etc. are eaten; foxes, Arctic foxes, and wolves are not eaten.
Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 225
För The following pages treat the Narym (or Southern) Selkups, among whom Castrén spent September-December 1845. Nowadays the Narym Selkups live in the middle Ob’ region and on the tributaries the Tym, Parabel’, Ket. When Castrén visited the area, the Selkups still lived along the Rivers Čižapka, Čulym, Čaja, and Šegarka. (Vasil’jev 2005: 304; Castrén 1855: 145–147; Castrén 2019: 782–790) ekorren utlägges bete - Filfrasen uppäter ofta betet eller sjelfva ekorren och förstör ekorrfänget. A bait is laid for the squirrel – an Arctic fox often eats the bait or the squirrel itself and destroys the squirrel trap.
Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 226
Narymska Samojeder I Narymska kretsen finnas Ostjaker blott wid Wasjugan. The River Vas’jugan discharges into the Obʹ. (GVR) Alla de öfriga infödingarne dels äro Samojeder, boende wid sjelfva Ob, ifrån Surgutska gränsen i norr ända till Tatarens område i söder kring Tomsk, dels wid bifloderna Tym The Tym flows into the Obˈ from the right (north) at N59°25′55″ E80°1′40″. (TS) och Ket. The River Ket flows into the River Balej. (GVR) Dessa Samoj. [Samojeder] kallas What has been called Selkup since the 1930s, according to Prokofʹev’s suggestion, is an ethno-linguistic category that was not recognised by the Selkups – and partly still is not. The ethnonym Selkup goes back to the Taz and Turukhansk dialect ethnonyms of селькуп and шолькуп respectively, meaning ʻtaiga man’. However, the Tym, Vas’jugan, Parabelʹ, and communities living lower on the Narym call themselves чумыл-куп, ʻearth man’; communities living on the middle and upper Ket сюссы-кум; communities living on the Ob’ up from Narym шëш-кум, both meaning ‘taiga man’. In Russian the northern Selkups have customarily been named Ostyak Samoyeds, whereas in the more southern living regions only the term Ostyak has been in use. (Vasil’jev 2005: 305–306) af Ryssarne och kla[kalla] sig sjelfve Ostjaker, men på sitt eget språk *Cumel-gup, SE čúmêl-gup ‘Ostyak; Samoyed’. See [MC Ostiak-Samoiedica’s vocabulary] and [kallas]. som förklaras hafva upp- kommit af *cuu, lera (emedan Gud skapade mskor de första mskorna af jord), men sannolikt betyder: landets folk. De äro wid Ob boende äro redani hög grad russifierade, de hafva antagit den Ryska klädebonaden, bo om vintern i vanl. Ryska stugor, hålla höstar, kor, får och lefva i alla afseenden sås[om]. Ryska bönden. Om sommaren flytta de sitt bo, och bedrifva fiske och lefva under dna[denna] tid, liks[om]. Ostjj. [Ostjaker] i nafvertält. As noted by Sokolova (1998: 21–22), the reindeer-herding Selkups lived in conical tents all year round. Accordingly, the covering consisted of reindeer hides in the winter and birch bark in the summer. Castrén refers here to hunters and gatherers, who used conical tents only during the summer. De wid Ket, Tim och andra aflägsna st[ällen]. vistande Samojj.[Samojeder] lefva alldeles på sma[samma] sätt såsom Ostjj.[Ostjaker] d. ä. i jurt The Selkups lived in several types of subterranean or semi-subterranean buildings and huts, in Russian ‘jurt’. See Sokolova 1998: 22–26. af träd eller jord, lifnärande sig hsakl.[hufvudsaligen] medelst fiske och jagt. Äfven bland dem hafva somliga hästar, ej kor Renarna äro och ej heller renar. Fylleriet är öfverallt rådande och fördjupar innewånarne i allt större och större elände. Fattigdomen framkallar ett lånsystem, som Samojj. [Samojeder] komma i händerna på svikna köpmän och borgar, hvilka betala för infödingens wara, hvad de behaga. Narym Samoyeds In the Narym uezd, there are Ostyaks only by the River Wasjugan. All the other natives are partly Samoyeds, living by the Ob, from the Surgut border in the north all the way to the Tatar area in the south, partly by the tributaries the Tym and the Ket. These Samoyeds are called Ostyaks by the Russians and by themselves, but in their own language *Cumel-gup, which they say comes from *cuu ‘clay’ (because God created the first men from clay, but probably means the people of the country. Those who live by the Ob are already highly Russified; they have adopted Russian dress, spend the winter in typical Russian cottages, have horses, cows, and sheep, and live in all respects like the Russian peasants. In the summer they move back to their dwellings and practise fishing and during this time they live like Ostyaks in birch bark tents. Those Samoyeds that live by the Ket and Tym and in other distant places live in just the same way as the Ostyaks, in other words, in yurts made of trees or earth, nourishing themselves mainly through fishing and hunting. Even among them some have horses, not cattle or reindeer. Drunkenness prevails everywhere and immerses the inhabitants in ever greater and greater misery. Poverty leads to a credit system, in which the Samoyeds are driven into the hands of deceptive merchants, who charge the natives whatever pleases them. Wilddfånget är i shet[synnerhet] wid Ob mket[mycket] dåligt. Soblar finnas nästan utesl.[uteslutande] alls icke, räfvar obetydligt. Mest och nästan utesl. [uteslutande] äflas man med fångst af ekorrar: Den vigtigaste näringsgren äre vid Ob fiskefångst The hunting of wild animals is particularly bad by the Ob. There are very few sables and the number of foxes is insignificant. Mostly, and almost exclusively, they practise squirrel hunting; the most important source of livelihood by the Ob is fishing.
Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 227
De Narymska Samojj.[Samojeder] äro ännu i hög grad schamanismen Castrén described Selkup shamanism and seances in more detail in Castrén 2019: 785–789. For recent research on the history of Selkup shamanism, see Prokof’eva 1949, 1961a, 1961b, 1981. tillgifna äfven här framträder trollkonsten mest sås[om]. spådomskonst och taskspeleri. En wanl[ig]. konst är att låta fastbinda sig uti ett mörkt rum, anropa dervid anropa de så kallade Lohit (Ling Loh) låta dem i kammaren och utom rummet med en för allm[än] hörbar stämma, For the soundscape, see Kim-Malon 2021: 30. slut sedan försvinna ur rummet, utan att de närwarande kunna weta deraf och slutligen återvända lösbunden ifrän tillbaka. Trolltrumma sak- nas, men schamanen sitter på en torr hud, med skinnet uppåtwändt. Under det hans händer, äro fastbundna, knäppa Lohet SE loh ʻspirit’. See sgr.fi/manuscripta/vocabulary. A general name for spirits. See [MC Ostiak-Samoiedica’s vocabulary] (Selkup mythology 2010: 148–150). på huden, liksom på en trumma. Åhörarna tro sig äfven höra ekorrar springa, björ- nar brumma och ormar hväsa rundt kring rummet. Kî=Ket=Kem=joki Köu (köng) <Dernäst boskapsskötseln. Formansskapat i har ej särdeles lokande> På venstra sidan om Ob bo Samojj.[Samojeder] blott wid Parabel The River Parabel’ flows into the Obʹ. GVR och Tsaja The River Čaja flows into the Obʹ. GVR och Tscheshabka, The River Čižapka flows into the River Vasjugan. GVR en biflod till Wasjugan. Hafva förlorat alla minnen fr[ån]. forntiden, känna inga ätter (Weta sig alldrig hafva äflats med renar.) Till deras fördomar hör, att en jägare alldrig äter björnkött, emedan björnarne framdeles uppäta jägaren. Bomärken finnas ej. The Narym Samoyeds are still highly devoted to shamanism; here witchcraft also exists, mainly as divination and conjuring tricks. A common trick is to be tied up in a dark room, and call the so-called Lohit (Ling Loh), let them in and then out the room with an overly audible voice then end up disappearing from the room without those present knowing about it, and finally returning untied. There are no drums, but the shaman sits on a dry skin, with the skin facing up. Under the skin his tied hands are ticking Lohet’s skin, like a drum. The audience also thinks they hear squirrels running, bears growling, and snakes hissing around the room. Kî = Ket = Kem = joki Köu (köng) On the left bank of the Ob, the Samoyeds live only by the Parabel and the Tsoja and the Tscheshabka, a tributary of the Wasjugan. They have lost all memories of antiquity and know no clans. (They know that have never worked with reindeer.) One of their prejudices is that a hunter never eats bear meat, because the bears would later eat the hunter. There are no house marks.
Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 228
Man har i Narymska trakten funnit gamla Tschud pilar af mera än tum 6 tjocklek gjorda af koppar och med i stället för fjädrar koppar= etc. Obs. I Samojjs. sånger är allt af koppar. Svärsonen According to Gemuev, Selkup families were based on brotherhood (Ru bratskaja semʹja), which means that a collective of brothers and fathers took care of the economy of the family. The norm in question concerns situations where an old couple, with no sons, would have been left to live alone when their daughter got married (Gemuev 1984). måste underhålla sina svarföräldrar, om de äro barnlösa. Begrafva According to the ethnographic literature, the Selkups buried the deceased in a chest carved from cedar logs and they were buried under earth. Accordingly, this does not refer to Selkup graves, but another, possibly past community’s burial mounds. (Prokof’eva 1977) sina lik ofvan jord och kastade en jordhög öfver dem. Dessa högar nu бугры (Sam[ojedisk]. Laéd SE laed in Manuscripta Castreniana Ostiak-Samoiedica’s vocabulary. Ket.) och sägas varit Tschudds grafvar. Ega eget fiskewatten och egna jagtställen (тайга, stora skogar). Ketska Ostjj. Samojj. egde fordom renar, There are traces of reindeer herding among the southern Selkups, including the kind of narration. However, researchers argue about the nature of reindeer herding among them. (Tučkova 2005: 327) men Tunguserne tago dem, hvd [hvarvid] enl[igt]. sagan tillgick sålunda, att en Sam[ojed]. och Tung[us]. vid en mat tid öfverenskommo, att den skull vinna renarne, som kunde bemäktiga sig ett renben af den andra. Pors, torr fisk. Ostj. Samojederne jaga i skogarne om hösten ifrån покрова дня Ru Pokrov denʹ or Pokrov Presvjatoj Bogorodinicy ʻIntercession of the Theotokos’ celebrated on 1.10 (14.10) and marking the turning of autumn into the winter. (Agapkina 2009: 127–128) till шаговскiя samt om wåren ifrån "крещения till Благовещения" Ru Kreščenʹe Gospodne ʻThe Baptism of Jesus’ celebrated on 6.1 (19.1), commemorating the baptism by John the Baptist. Ru Blagoveščenʹev denʹ. ʻThe Feast of the Annunciation’ celebrated on 25.3 (7.4), is one of the main feasts of Slavic Orthodox tradition. It is also related to the beginning of spring. (Vinogradova and Plotnikova 1999: 667–672; Tolstoj and Tolstaja 1995: 182–183) Hela sommaren fare Samojj. omkring på fiskafänge utom wid "Семеновъ-день", Ru Semenov denʹ celebrated on 1.9 (14.9), commemorates Simeon Stylites and marks the beginning of the autumn period. (Agapkina and Belova 2009: 610–612) då man fånga tjädrar i skogar samt wid Спасова-день, Ru Spasova denʹ ʻFeast of the Saviour’. Following the vernacular Russian calendar, there are three separate Feasts of the Saviour in August. då höt bergas hemma. Dessutom af går Strax efter höbergningen beger man sig att samla седер=nötter, lingon. Häggbär samlas sed[n]are och Old Tschud arrows have been found in the Narym area. They are more than six inches thick, made of copper and instead of feathers copper [has been used] etc. NB: In Samoyed songs everything is made of copper. The son-in-law must take care of his parents-in-law, if they are childless. They bury their deceased on the earth and throw a mound of earth over them. These mounds [are called] now bugry (Samoyed Laéd Ket.) and are said to have been Tschuds’ graves. They own their fishing waters and hunting grounds (tajga, large forests). The Ket Samoyeds used to have reindeer but the Tungus took them away, and according to a narrative it happened because a Samoyed and a Tungus agreed over a meal that the one who could seize a reindeer bone from the other would win the reindeer. Pors, dry fish. The Samoyeds hunt in the forests in autumn from day of Pokrov to šagovskija and in the spring from [the day of] "Baptism to Annunciation". All through the summer the Samoyeds practise fishing, except during "day of Simeon" when they hunt capercaillies in the forests, and during day of the Saviour, when hay is stored at home. Immediately after haymaking they go to collect Siberian pine-nuts and lingonberries. Blackberries are gathered later and
Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 229
torkas Hvar och en har sin skog och eget fiskwatten. Men wid byn är wattnet gsamt [gemensamt]. Samojjrna[Samojederna] hafva i sina skogar små, af gammalt färdiggjorda stugor, der de bo med hela sin familj. På högra sidan om Ob är sobeln For an overview of hunting among the Selkups, see Tučkova 2005a: 322–325. sällsynt. Skjuta allm. med bågar. Särskillda pilar för få- glar och djur. Renar fångas med a) snara, som utlägges på ren- spåret b) med samosträlets c)med bössa Räf och ekorre ätas ej. Björnkött får man ej äta tillika med fisk, ty då förs vinner fisken ur floden. Under wistelsen i skogen äflas äfven qvinnorna med jagt i skett af ekorrar, harar, fåglar Små barn lemnas allena i stugor. De ostyriga fastbindas med ett rep wid wäggen. Om skogsresor göras med skidor, små barn inbäddas i små slädor eller här så kallade nart. Far och mor släpa dyl[ik]. nart efter sig med kläder, mat- förråd. Hvarje person släpte drager tillika med 2-3 hundar en nart af 5-6 pud. De egentl[iga]. byarna lemnas alldeles öde. Här qvarlemnas all egendom <--> för wäg. De som ega hästar, lemna framlägga hö åt dem för hela månaden. Renar fångas mest om våren med bossa på skare, om hösten med snara och samosträlets En Ketsk Ostj. fånger under året maximum : 500 ekorrar (150 Rubel), 3 räfvar (45 Rub.), 5 renar (25 Rub för hudarna), Så 220 Rub. Sällan björn, varg, elgg, utter. are dried. Everyone has their own forest and their own fishing waters. But near the village the waters are shared. The Samoyeds have in their forests small cottages built a long time ago in which they live with their whole family. On the right side of the Ob, the sable is rare. They generally shoot with bows. There are special arrows for birds and animals. [Wild] Reindeer are caught with: a) a snare, which is laid on a reindeer track; b) an arbalest, or c) a rifle. Foxes and squirrels are not eaten. Bear meat must not be eaten together with fish, because the fish would vanish from the river. When in the forest, the women too hunt squirrels, hares, and birds. Small children are left alone in the cottages. The unruly ones are tied with a rope over their back. If forest trips are made with skis, small children are put in small sledges or what are here called narts. The father and mother drag similar narts with clothes and the store of food. Each person, together with two or three dogs, drags a nart of 5-6 pud. The actual villages are left completely desolate. Everything not needed during the trip is left there. Those who own horses leave them hay for the whole month. [Wild] Reindeer are mostly hunted in the spring with rifles on the snow, and in the autumn with a snare or arbalest. A Ket Ostyak catches during the year a maximum of: 500 squirrels (150 roubles), three foxes (45 roubles), five reindeer (25 roubles for the hides), altogether 220 roubles. Rarely, bear, wolf, elk, otter.
Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 230
Fisk See [fiskafånget]. fångas med nät, med pata och mjerdor, med not, med krok af ceder, med metande. Under winter drages not under isen och patas samt fångas med mjerdor. Ketska Samojj.[Samojeder] ega bolvaner, Ancestor spirits made of wood or metal and with a human shape and often several layers of clothing on them are stored in special storehouses or small baskets or hung in trees. Called generally SE qawa lōsi, their head is named SE kwettargu. (Selkup mythology 2010: 211, 88) dem schamanerna för färdiga och påkläda. Kläderna göras af ogifta qvinnor, liksom korgen. Gudarna göras af ett enda djurskinn - det för sta som fångas. Härsidan lagges utåt. Guden eger någon slags msklig[mänsklig] gestalt. Fötterna göras af djurets bakfötter; händerna af framfötter De förvaras i en korg uti en ambar, dit ingen ting annat än offer får inläggas. Offren bestå uti ekorrskinn, kattun, dukar (ej pengar) - Koka åt bolvanen efter schamanens befallng.[befallning] 1, 3, 7 kettlar fisk l.[eller] kött. Man lägger framför bolvanen ett eller flere fat fisk l.[eller] kött med dertill sked, <saet>, bröd etc. Derpå uppätes rätterna af Ostj.[Ostjaker] sjelf, men benen gifvas ej åt hundarna, utan föras bort på ngt[något] <afud> ställe. Offren få endast framräckas af ogifta personer (män och qvinnor) karl, men e j af men maten kan kokas och framläggas af hvem som hellst. En gift qvinna kan alldrig ingå i ambaren och gift person kan alldrig kringgå en ambar. Där en person i jurten, så får guden inga offer. Offer omtackas för lycklig fångst, hellsa, förloradt gods, spådom Trollkarlen eger ingen särsk. uniform, According to Donner, a Selkup shaman has a special spoon, cap, breast-piece, boots, drum, gloves, and coat, which they prepare in the above-mentioned order. Additionally, some shamans may use a staff made of iron. The paraphernalia represent the shaman’s power, the extraordinary nature of the ritual, and their helping spirits. The hat, for example, is typically made of iron, the seams of their clothes are sewn differently from everyday clothing, and the costume includes pictures and bones of different animals that represent spirits. See also Selkup shaman paraphernalia in Finna: [Shaman's dress][Shaman's headgear] (Donner 1933: 78–81) utan kläder sig för tillfället dess kläderna, åt hvken[hvilken] han förrättar ceremonien. Fish are caught with nets, with weir and fish traps, with drag nets, with cedar hooks, and by seine fishing. During the winter, nets are drawn under the ice and weirs and fish traps are also used. The Ket Samoyeds have bolvans, which shamans make and dress. The clothes are made by unmarried women, who also make baskets. The gods are made from a single animal skin – the first caught. The fur side is laid outwards. The god has some kind of human shape. The feet are made of the animal’s back legs, the hands of the forefeet. They are stored in a basket outside a storehouse, where nothing but offerings may be left. The offers consist of squirrel skin, calico, or cloth (not money). Following the shaman’s advice, they cook one, three, or seven pots of fish or meat for the bolvan. They put in front of the bolvanen one or several dishes of fish or meat with a spoon, bread, etc. Then the dishes are eaten by the Ostyaks themselves, but the bones are not given to the dogs, but carried away to some place. The offers can only be brought by unmarried persons, but the food can be cooked and laid down by anyone. A married woman can never go to the storehouse and a married person must never go around the store house. When there is a person in the yurt, the god gets no sacrifices. The sacrifices are made in order to give thanks for a good catch, health, lost property, or divination. The shaman has no special clothing, but he puts on clothes to suit the occasion for which he performs the ceremony.
Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 231
Wid Ket fanns fordom i de Karbinska jurtorna The settlements, consisting of a few log cabins and conical tents, were already called Ru jurty before the Russian colonisation of Siberia. The yurt settlements were contrasted to small towns (Ru gorodok) on the one hand and to taiga and tundra camps on the other. The Karbin yurts are mentioned in late 18th-century sources as one of the settlements of the northern Tobol’sk Tatars. Later known as the village of Karbino, it was closed down in 2013. en stor Gudabild, According to Seleznev, Selezneva, and Belič (2009: 101–106), there was an astana of the sheikh Omar Alii in the Karbin yurts. The astanas, burial places of the saints, represent significant Tatar religious places and the local indigenous peoples considered them important, too. framställd i sittande ställng[ställning], gjord af messeng af Tschud. Tunguserna upp- brännde den af hämd. Guden är af branden illafaren och aktas [anses] nu sås[om]. död samt får inga offer. A big image of a god, represented in a sitting position and made of Tschud brass, was formerly found at the Karbin yurts on the River Ket. The Tungus burnt it out of revenge. The god was damaged by the fire and is now considered dead and gets no sacrifices either Trollkarlen Castrén’s description of a Selkup shamanic séance is one of the first of its kind. See Castrén 2019: 785–789. See also [schamanismen]. förrättar den mag[iska]. handlingen under dans och mgfalldiga[mångfalldiga] svåra kroppsrörelser. Han sätter sig först mitt på golfvet uppå ett skinn, der intet får finnas af jern eller, koppar eller annan metall. Han håller i en högra handen en liten pinne, i den venstra en trumma, eller två pilar med en i hdera[hvardera] fastbunden klocka. Medan han sitter trummar han i långsamt med den lilla pinnen eller slår dermed sakta i nedra ändan af pelskaftet. [nog detta en stund försent] The sorcerer performs his magical acts through dance and multiple difficult bodily movements. He first lies in the middle of the floor on a skin, where nothing may be of iron, copper, or any other metal. He holds in his right hand a small stick, in his left a drum, or two arrows with bells fixed on each. While sitting he slowly drums with the little stick or strikes the lower end of the fur slowly. Då han stiger upp, trummar han kraftigare och eller fördubblar slagen på pilarna, dansar derwid och efter sjunger. Jemti Efter honom sjunga alla närwarande; dock gifvas ställen, då andra än trollkarlen ej kan sjunga. (då samtalar han i tysthet med Gudarna). NB Den som ifrån början ej warit med i sången, får sedan ej widtaga. Män, qvinnor och barn äro härvid närv[arande]., men As he rises, he drums more loudly and/or doubles the striking of the arrow, and afterwards dances and sings. All those present sing after him, though there are places where others than the sorcerer cannot sing (then he talks in silence with the gods). NB: Those who have not taken part in the singing from the beginning cannot come along later. Men, women, and children are present, but
Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 232
qvinnor få ej sjunga, ej heller äro de schamaner. women are not allowed to sing, and nor are they shamans. Trumstickan är försedd med hvarjehanda figurer eller tecken. Trollkarlen kastar den till alla när- warande och förespå åt dem eftersom stickan faller komma figurerna nedåt, på bådar ditta olycka. The drumstick is equipped with all sorts of figures or characters. The sorcerer throws it to everyone present and predicts for them; if the stick falls in such a way that the figures are downwards, it bodes an accident. Trollkarlen sitter med ansigtet wändt emot dörren. Ingen får sitta midt emot honom. Han ser på ingen <glovar> med ögonen, umgås med andarne, ser och talar med dem. The sorcerer sits with his face facing the door. No one may sit opposite him. He does not watch anyone with his eyes but socialises with spirits, sees them, and talks with them. En hvar eger sin bolvan. It is possible that here Castrén is referring to SE quwaloz, a picture of each person’s SE quwa, soul, that lives outside one’s body and can help the person in several ways, for example by making inquiries about the whereabouts of prey (Tučkova 2005b: 375). Men den dödes bolvan blir kastad i floden. Everyone has his bolvan. But the bolvan of the deceased is thrown into the river. Familjer wid Ket: Talái, Aalkka, Sengaur, Iikal, Seegandje, Kaarba (R. Karbin), Kotea, Mukko, Kaatereäs. Families living by the Ket: Talái, Aalkka, Sengaur, Iikal, Seegandje, Kaarba (R. Karbin), Kotea, Mukko, Kaatereäs. Bågar For recent research on Selkup material culture, see Irikov 2002. göras af lärkträdet för dess styrka, båtar af asp emedan detta träd bäst töjer ut sig (obs. båten göres af ett träd), vid Irkutsk af ceder, skidor och medar af ceder för dess lätthett, fat och husgerädssaker af björk för dess styrka. Bows are made from larch wood, because of its strength, boats of aspen because the tree stretches out best (NB: A boat is made of one tree), in the Irkutsk region of Pinus cembra [stone pine], the skis and runners of stone pine for its lightness, and dishes and utensils of birch for its strength. Samojj.[Samojederne] äro mkt händiga, göra fat, tråg, båtar, slädor, korgar, rysor försälja dem åt Ryssar. Deras arbete är alltid wäl, fint och ordentligt gjordt, ty Sam[oyed]. räknar ej på dagsverken (gfr.[gämför] Ostjj.[Ostyaks] timmer) The Samoyeds are very good with their hands; they make barrels, troughs, boats, sledges, baskets, and fish traps and sell them to the Russians. Their work is always well, nicely, and properly done, because the Samoyeds do not count in man-days (cf. Ostyak hours). Hvarje man är smed till husbehof: Göra sjelfva bälgar. Hinder i sitt yrke af Ryska smeden. Every man is a blacksmith for household needs: they make their own bellows. The Russian blacksmiths hinder them from practising this as a profession. Samojj. fallenheter. Stuga kan hvarje man uppbygga. Ugnen göres af obemängd lera, som klappas wäl emellan tvenne bräddväggar, af hka den yttre efterhand borttages. Spis af lera och rör. Characteristic Samoyed tendencies Anyone can build a cabin. The oven is made of pure clay, which is clapped well in between two walls. The outer wall is later removed. The stove is of clay and reeds.
Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 233
Hustrun For recent research on Selkup family and social relations, see Gemuev 1984. ärfver mannens egendom, antingen barn finnas, el ler ej; men om hon gifter sig andra gången borttages egendomen af anhöriga, eller om sådana ej finnas, af общество. The wife inherits the husband's property, whether there are children or not; but if she marries a second time, the relatives take the property, or if there are no relatives, the community [takes the property]. Under dåliga jagtår ock äfven fördas Ostjj.[Ostjaker] till Tschulym The Čulym flows into the Obˈ from the right (north-east) at N57°43′54″ E83°49′34″. (TS) för att jaga (i shet[synnerhet] elgar) - ett tecken, att de kommit der från och göra ännu ett slags anspråk å landet, ehuru de måste betala arrende. Ofta fordras allestädes arrende för allt, utom ekorrfånge, som för leket ingen ting betalas. During a bad hunting year, the Ostyaks also go to Tschulym to hunt (especially moose) – a sign that they have arrived from Tschulym and still make some kind of claim over the land, though they have to pay rent. Everything is often rented, except squirrel hunting, as you cannot pay for anything with game. Obs. Tunguserna wid Ket betala ej arrende för ngntg. NB: The Tungus at Ket do not pay rent for anything. De Ketska och Timska Ostjj.[Oastyaks] komma i beröring med hdra[hvarandra]. The Ket and Tim [Tym] Ostyaks are in touch with each other. Wid föräldrarnes frånfälle lägges ngn[någon] främmande slägting eller en af volosten utsedd förmyndare att föda och wärda barnen tills de kl.[kallas] fullwuxna. Förmyndaren eger att wärda egendomen och föda barnen, utan att derföre ega ngn[någon] annan skade. Ersättning, är att de barnen i sin ordning skola föda för- myndaren, då han blir gammal och orklös. If parents die, a relative or a guardian appointed by Volosten is left to take care of the children until they become adults. The guardian has the right to value the property and feed the children, without causing any harm to them. As compensation the children in their turn shall feed the guardian when he grows old and loses his strength. En hustru eger rätt att sjlef vårda sin egendom och tmed[till och med] förfara efter godtycke. A wife has the right to take care of her property and even act according to her own wishes. Ed göres ej; till wittne duger man ock qvinna, barn, far, mor, bror och syster. Oaths are not made; a woman, children, father, mother, brother, and sister are also able to act as witnesses. Jagten The Selkups hunted fur-bearing animals, especially for sale and for paying yasak; moose and wild reindeer were also important game animals. Generally, fishing was central for food (Golovnev & Tučkova 2005). är så allmän, att till och med qvinnor kunna skjuta både med båge och bössa. Hunting is so general that even women can use both a bow and rifle. Män och qvinnor röka och snusa. Tobaken anses lika nödig såsom brödet. Men and women smoke and take snuff. Tobacco is considered as necessary as bread.
Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 234
Sjukdomar: Pest [om sommaren]: angriper i skhet[synnerhet] hästar, mindre kor, re- nar falla i massa, äfven mskor[människor]. Hela jurt af Tunguser blifwa öde. - Härrör af kärren. Febrar: Nerf=febrar Gikt och reumatism Lungsot är mycket allmän, åtm[instone]. hos de Ketksa Skorbut Weneriskt, med sarsa parilla. Läkemedel äro salmiak, etc. som köpes af Ryssar. Inga inhemska läkemedel utom brännkuren i reumatism. Schamaner hafva ej medicin. Amuletter finnas ej. Lazaretet i Narym besökes af ingen. Diseases: Plague [in summer]: aggressively attacks especially horses, small cows, and reindeer, which fall in masses, and also men. A whole Tungus yurt became deserted. It derives from the boglands. Fevers: Nerve fevers Gout and rheumatism Pneumonia is very common, especially among the Ket [Samoyeds]. Scurvy Venerian, with sarsa parilla. Medicines such as salmiak, etc. are bought from the Russians. No domestic drugs other than the burning course against rheumatism. Shamans do not have medicines. There are no amulets. The hospital in Narym is not visited by anyone.
Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 235
Familjer Families På Kaninska tundran On [page 9], Castrén listed the Nenets families in the Pustozersk volostʹʹ, noting that the Kanin tundra no longer belonged to the area. This list thus supplements the one on page 9. Interestingly, it also gives both Russian and Tundra Nenets variants for most names. finnas följande familjer The following families live in the Kanin tundra Ryska Russian man men qv[innor] women [Samojediska] Samoyed Ardeijevùih Ardeev - Вэʹʹли. According to Chomič, Ardeev was typical of Nenets living west of Pustozersk. Similarly, she links Ardeev to Вэли, “one of the small-numbered families of European Forest Nenets” (Chomič 1976: 102–103). See also [Валей] For the European Forest Nenets, see [Archangelsk]. 70 80 Waelìih Hanjkoou-vùih Ханьков – Лэхэ. Ханьков possibly refers to Канюков. Лэхэ is one of the biggest families of the European Nenets. (Chomič 1976: 103–104) 74 78 Lèhìih Barkuleu-vùih Ru Barakulev, TN Паркулëв, is also mentioned by Chomič as a Western surname. Ru Vanjuta, Vanoijta, TN Ванойта, fe. Ванойʹ, Ванойтиʹ or Ванюта represents one of the six main branches of the European Nenets families. It has also been suggested to represent one of the exogamic groups of the Nenets, the other being Харючи. (Chomič 1976: 102–103; Dolgich 1970: 9–14; Tereščenko 2003: 41–42) 35 35 Wanoitè'eh Taljkoovuih Talʹkov – Вэʹʹли (Chomič 1976: 108). 30 27 Waèlìi'ih Hanseroovuih Ханзеров (Хандер) – Вэʹʹли. According to Chomič (1976: 109), Ru Chanzerov replaced the surname Хандер. She links the family to Вануйта. Waelii'ih Sulentewùih Sulentʹev – Лэхэ (Chomič 1976: 107). Лэхэ is one of the biggest families of the European Nenets. (Chomič 197: 103) 20 22 Lèhiì'ih Njuroovùih Njurov – Вануйта. Нюров is unclear and unknown from other sources. Ru Vanujta. Also Vanjuta, Vanojta. TN Ванойта, fe. Ванойʹ, Ванойтиʹ or Ванюта represents one of the six main branches of the European Nenets families. It has also been suggested to represent one of the exogamic groups of the Nenets, the other being Харючи. (Chomič 1976: 102–103; Dolgich 1970: 9–14; Tereščenko 2003: 41–42) 24 25 Waanoiteè'eh Bogdaschin Bogdašin – Сядэй. Сядэй is, according to Dolgih, a subsection of the European Лэхэ. (Dolgich 1970: 9) (Ryskt) 15 10 Siede'eh. Siedii'eh Bobrikoovuih Bobrikov – Выуци. See note [Выуческой]. 17 16 Wuiutsií'ih. U'utsi Dvoinikoovùih Dvojnikov – Лэхэ. Лэхэ is one of the biggest families of the European Nenets. (Chomič 1976: 103) 10 13 Lèhií'ih Njumtinovuih Njumtinov – Лэхэ. Лэхэ is one of the biggest families of the European Nenets. (Chomič 1976: 103) [вы] 14 11 Lèhiì'ih Nasaroovuih # Nasarov 15 11 Schanginiìh # Šnaʹgin 14 6 Gorgunoovùih # Gorgunov 12 15 Lukopeerouih Lukoperov 4 1 Wuiutsiiíh Bjäluugini Belugin 2 1 Bolootini # Bolotin 3 2 Baturini Baturin 9 6 Lèhii'ih # Desse bo i skogar omkring Archangelsk. Before the linguistic variety of Forest Nenets, designating the speakers of not the Tundra but Forest variety of Nenets, was developed, the Nenets might have been designated as Forest (lesnye). This historical designation did not distinguish between the language varieties, but was used to differentiate between pastoralist reindeer herders and those whose subsistence was based on fishing and hunting and who used reindeer mainly for transportation. These forest Nenets lived in close contact with the Russians, which is also reflected in their surnames. (Edemskij 1930; Brjuchanov 1939; Kolyčeva 1956; Dolgich 1970: 20–24, 30–35; Lukin 2012) # These live in the forests around Arkhangelsk.
Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 236
Ryska Russian man men qv[innor] women [Samojediska] Samoyed Rebrovùih Rebrov ingen 4 Osootini Osotyn – Вануйта. Ru Vanujta. Also Vanjuta, Vanojta. TN Ванойта, fe. Ванойʹ, Ванойтиʹ or Ванюта represents one of the six main branches of the European Nenets families. It has also been suggested to represent one of the exogamic groups of the Nenets, the other being Харючи. (Chomič 1976: 102–103; Dolgich 1970: 9–14; Tereščenko 2003: 41–42) 5 5 Ua/Wanoitee'eh Maloschōwi Malošëv – Сядэй. Сядэй is, according to Dolgih, a subsection of the European Лэхэ. (Dolgich 1970: 9) 3 3 Sie'de'eh Latischovi Латышëв – Лэхэ. Лэхэ is one of the biggest families of the European Nenets. (Chomič 1976: 103, 105) 5 6 Lehiì'ih Kopuitowi Kopujtov – Лэхэ. Лэхэ is one of the biggest families of the European Nenets. (Chomič 1976: 103) 3 2 Lèhii'ih Jeltsoovuih Elʹcëv – Сядэй. Сядэй is, according to Dolgih, a subsection of the European Лэхэ. (Dolgich 1970: 9) 4 3 Siede'eh Maikovuih Majkov – Вануйта. Ru Vanujta. Also Vanjuta, Vanojta. TN Ванойта, fe. Ванойʹ, Ванойтиʹ or Ванюта represents one of the six main branches of the European Nenets families. It has also been suggested to represent one of the exogamic groups of the Nenets, the other being Харючи. (Chomič 1976: 102–103; Dolgich 1970: 9–14; Tereščenko 2003: 41–42) 5 3 Uanoitee'eh Barmitshi Бармич – Лэхэ. Лэхэ is one of the biggest families of the European Nenets. (Chomič 1976: 102, 103) 13 6 Lehii'ih Dobuiloff Бармич – Лэхэ. Лэхэ is one of the biggest families of the European Nenets. (Chomič 1976: 102, 103) 2 2 Uanoitee'eh Taleijeff # Taleev. According to Chomič, the name goes back to Тысыя. See note [Тыссии]. 1 2 Lavroff Lavrov # 1 1 Petrin Petrin # 2 2 Schmakoff # Šmakov 2 1 Tscernjagin # Černjagin 1 2 Af ålder fingo Samojederne ej taga hustru ur andra роды. Most ethnographic sources note that the Nenets took their wives from outside their families, which is why it is most probable that a misunderstanding or writing error is behind this. See [page 252]. (Verbov 1939: 46–49; Chomič 1966: 142, 156–157). Since the old days, Samoyeds have not been allowed to take a wife from different family group. Роды: Ардеевыхъ /Ардеевъ, Канюковыхъ /Канюковъ, Баракулевыхъ /Баракулевъ, Тальковыхъ /Тальковъ и Ханзеровыхъ /Ханзеровъ, Сулентьевыхъ /Сулентьевъ, Нюровыхъ, Богдашиныхъ, Бобриковыхъ, Двойниковыхъ, Некмтановыхъ, Назаровыхъ, Шангиныхъ, Горбуновыхъ, Лукоперовъ, Белугиновъ, Болотинъ, Батуринъ, Ребровъ, Осотинъ, Малышевъ, Латышевъ, Копытовъ, Ельцеовъ, Майковъ, Бармичъ, Добы- ловъ, Талеевъ, Лавровъ, Петринъ, Шмаковъ, Черн- ягинъ. Family groups: Ardeev, Kanjukov, Barakulev, Talkov, and Chanzerov, Sulent'ev, Njurov, Bogdašin, Bobrikov, Dvojnikov, Mekmtanov, Nazarov, Šangin, Gorbunov, Lukoperov, Beluginov, Bolotin, Baturin, Rebrov, Osotin, Malyšev, Latyšev, Kopytov, El'ceev, Majkov, Barmič, Dobylov, Taleev, Lavrov, Petrin, Šmakov, Černjagin.
Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 237
Af ålder nomadiserade alla роды hvar inom sitt district. Somliga qvarhålla sig ännu vid denna lаg; och fastän de veta sig ega rätt att noma disera öfverallt, wilja de doch ej "öfvergifva sitt egen land.” Despite constant movement, pastoralists attach their belonging to certain lands or landscapes, which the Nenets relate to their family histories (Lehtisalo 1932: 91; Stammler 2005: 231–234). Since the old days, all family groups have nomadised within their own district. Some still hold on to this law; and although they know they have the right to nomadise everywhere, they still do not want to “give away their own land”. Bland Pustozerska Samojj. finnas ind.[indelas] i 3 ätter: Here, Castrén relates the TN тенз to the Swedish ätt, which is translated as ‘tribe’. Other categories related to family, way of life, and religion are TN еркар and нгэсы. They were used variably in relation to the Russian administration, which is why their meaning also varies according to the time and place. While нгэсы ʻcamp’, clearly relates to an economic unit based on familial ties, it is unsure whether еркар and тэнз mean different things and what the difference between them might be. Both seem to be larger familial units, and Soviet ethnographers divided them into two fratries (Вануйта and Харючи), which, according to them, developed in the course of history into subcategories, the Тысыя, Лэхэ, Выуци, and Вэли. Castrén’s data seems to follow the same lines. See also [роды] (Dolgich 1970: 23; Chomič 1966: 141–158; Vasil’ev 1979: 75–85, 134–156.) Lahej, Tiis. och Wuiuh. En Sbortsschik See [starschina]. (sam- lare af jassak) väljes från hvarje ätt, och dna[denna] ansvarar för hela ätten. Det förstås, att han är förmögen; men mången Samojed har ge. [genom] detta embete förlorat sin förmögenhet. The Pustozersk Samoyeds are divided into three tribes: Lahej, Tiis, and Wuiuh. A collector of jasak is chosen from each tribe, and he is responsible for the whole tribe. It is understood that he is wealthy, but many Samoyeds have lost their fortune because of this work. På Bolschesemelska tundran följ[ande]. роды (toonzì) 1 Tisi'je Тысъя. One of the six main branches of the European Nenets families (Dolgich 1970: 9–10; Chomič 1976: 108). 2 Noho-tisí(je) Nocho-tissij. Corresponds to TN Нохо’ Тысъя, fe. Нохоʹ Тысъиʹ; also Ноготысыи. A branch of the Тысъя family (Dolgich 1970: 9–10; Chomič 1976: 105; Tereščenko 2003: 683). As Castrén notes, TN нохо ʻarctic fox’. (псець) 3 Lahîh Lachi, also Logej, Lècheci, Lagejskoj, Lochejsskij. Corresponds to the TN family Лэхэ, fe. Лэхэй; also Лагейскойʹʹ. (Chomič 1966: 151; Chomič 1976: 105; Tereščenko 2003: 170, 206) 4 Wuiutso' TN family Выуци or Вууци. (Chomič 1966: 151; Chomič 1976: 103; Tereščenko 2003: 63.) 5 Haetanzi' TN Хэтанзи. one of the six main branches of the European Nenets families. (Chomič 1966: 151; Chomič 1976: 110; Dolgich 1970: 9–10.) 6 Wanoita' Ru Vanujta. Also Vanjuta, Vanojta. TN Ванойта, fe. Ванойʹ, Ванойтиʹ or Ванюта represents one of the six main branches of the European Nenets families. It has also been suggested to represent one of the exogamic groups of the Nenets, the other being Харючи. (Chomič 1976: 102–103; Dolgich 1970: 9–14; Tereščenko 2003: 41–42) 7 Waelí Вэли represents one of the six main branches of the Nenets families. Again according to Chomič, the Вэли are a sub-branch of the Vanjuita. (Chomič 1976: 103; Dolgich 1980: 9–10; 55–59; Tereščenko 2003: 38) (i Ischma) In the Bolshezemelskaja tundra there are the following family groups (toonzì): 1 Tisi'je 2 Noho-tisí(je) (Arctic fox) 3 Lahîh 4 Wuiutso' 5 Haetanzi' 6 Wanoita' 7 Waelí (in Ižma)
Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 238
Ljamin Sor Ljamin Sor. The place where the River Ljamin flows into the Obʹ. N61°19’17’’E71°48’08’’. 12 verst ofvanom Kuŝnik. The River Kušnikovskaja. [ova] är här mycket bred om wåren (15 verst). Sorens längd är 50 verst; blir derefter flod, hvars bredd uppgifves till 30 famnar (om hösten), upprinner ur 3 floder (sen[are]). De Ljaminska Samojj.[Samojeder] The next seven pages relate to what Castrén calls the Ljamin or Kazym Samoyeds. The denomination refers to one of the territorial communities of the speakers of the Forest variety of Nenets, who live around the Rivers Kazym and Ljamin. The Forest Nenets have also been named Konda Samoyed (kondinskie samoedy; see [page 239]). In addition, historical sources mention kunnaja Samoyed (or kunnaja Samojadʹ), which does not refer to a territory, but to the skins of fur-bearing animals (pine marten, squirrel, sable) to which the indigenous peoples were related by the Russians. Moreover, there are Forest Nenets living along the Rivers Pur and Agan. Tundra Nenets пяʹ хасава, endonym нещаʹ. (See Alekseev (ed.) 2010: 241–248; Zenʹko-Nemičinova 2006: 4–10). Castrén was the first to describe the language variety. komm till Baly, Refers to Baly yurts, which Castrén mentions in his letter written as a travel report to Sjögren in December 1845. (Castrén 2019: 1050–1051) mest betala sin skatt i Kasym. The Kazym flows into the Obˈ from the right (south) at N64°6′6″ E66°2′9″. (TS) Stränderna af floden äro låga, men mkt[mycket] skogbewuxa med пихта, Ru pichta ʻSiberian fir’ (Abies sibirica). сосна, Ru sosna ʻpine’ (Pinus). кедрь, Ru sibirskij kedrʹ ʻSiberian pine’ (Pinus sibirica). ельникъ. Ru elʹnik ʻspruce forest’. Ostjaker finnas der icke. Källörna af Ljamin och Kasym äro så nära hdra[hvarandra] att man på endag far ifrån den ena till den andra (ifrån Tatjar till Kasym). Ngn[Någon] stör- re sjö finnes ej vid källorna af Ljamin. Om våren ofversvämmar Ljamin all skog, så att dess bredd wid sjlelfva källorna upp gifves till 20 verst. The Ljamin Sor, 12 versts above Kuŝnikova, is very wide here during the spring (15 versts). The length of the Sor is 50 versts; it becomes a river after that; its width is stated to be 30 fathoms (in autumn); it originates from three rivers. The Ljamin Samoyeds came to Baly; most of them pay their taxes in Kasym. The shoreline of the river is low, but very heavily forested with Siberian fir, pine, Siberian pine, and spruce. There are now Ostyaks. The sources of the Ljamin and Kasym are so close to each other that one can go from one to the other in one day (from Tatyar to Kasym). There are not any bigger lakes at the source of the Ljamin. In the spring, the Ljamin floods all the forest, so that its width at its source is up to 20 versts. De Ljaminska Samojj.[Samojeder] komma ofta (d. ä. m. der dåliga år) till östra Ob för att fiska och hos Ryssarne få sin föda. The Ljamin Samoyeds often (in other words, during bad years) come to the eastern Ob to fish and to obtain food from the Russians. Wid högra sidan är stranden af Ljamin högre (urmon) On the right-hand side the shore of the Ljamin is higher (urmon). Ljamin säges upprinna under jorden. The Ljamin is said to originate underground. Ljamin Sor flyter under flodtiden med brusande lopp mellan träden. The Ljamin Sor flows at great speed between the trees during the flood. Begr[afningsplats]. af sor; hvar finnes den ? Burial ground of sor; where is it?
Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 239
Kondinska Samojeder Ru kondinskie samoedy is one of the territorial denominations used for the Forest Nenets. It refers to the River Konda and the town of Konda (Kartauž), which was the centre for the Konda princedom known as the Mansi princedom, initially part of the Pelym princedom (Bachrušin 1935: 30–32; 74–84). Later, the area became part of the Kazym volostʹ and the Nenets begun to pay their yasak in the town of Kazym. Kasimska Samojeder, kalla sig Kasimska Kaasamjá, emedan de betala skatt i Kasym. Till antalet af dem höra alla de, som betala sin skatt vid Kasim=floden (i Juilskoi Gorodok) The town of Juilʹsk, already known in the 17th century, is one of the centres of the Ljapin princedom. Situated on the River Sygva (Bachrušin 1935: 67). och af sådan anledng[anledning] äfven kls[kallas] Kasimska Samojeder, ehuru den minsta delen uppehålla sig wid närvde[närvarande] flodr.[floder] De uppgifvas till 8 stammar The list of families gives only six names. och vid pass 800 skattbetalande själar, kringspridda på de kärruppfyllda tundrorna emellan Ob och Jenisej. I söder sträcka de sig ända till öfra Ob=floden. Samtl[iga]. dessa stammar äro fattiga på renar och äfla derföre sommar och winter med fiskande i sjöar och bäck , fänge af renar och an nat wildt. The Kondin Samoyeds (Kasim Samoyeds) call themselves Kasim or Kaasamjá, because they pay taxes in Kasym. Those who pay their taxes at the River Kasim (in the town of Juilskoi) are counted as belonging to them and this is the reason they are also called the Kasim Samoyeds, though only a minority reside by the nearby rivers. They are divided into eight tribes consisting of around 800 tax-paying souls, scattered on the boggy tundra between the Ob and the Yenisei. In the south, they extend all the way to the upper Ob. Each of these tribes is poor in reindeer and therefore they practise fishing in the lakes and rivers during the summer and winter, hunting wild reindeer and other game. Given their small number of reindeer, they cannot visit the Arctic Ocean. They are all unbaptised. Följande ätter äro I ans[eende]. till sin rens fattigdom kunna de ej besöka Ishavet. Alla äro de odöpta. Följande ätter äro af mig kända: 1. Suu=puut This name is first mentioned by Castrén and is not mentioned later in the ethnographic literature. Huu=puut wid Nasym The Nazym flows into the Obˈ from the right (north-east) at N61°11′48″ E68°55′41″. (TS) flodens källor, hvilken floden af Samojj.[Samojeder] [kallas] Maasam och Ostjj. kls[kallas] Maasang I anl. haf kls[kallas] Sam.[Samojeder] Maaski' Wid samma flod (lägre ned) bo äfven Ostjaker (Nasymska) som äro döpta och ega jurt. Samojederne ega 2-10 renar, fiska sommar och wintern, hvilket är deras hfvudnäring. Fånga derjemte vildren (med bössa), ekorrar och mindre dyrbara. Volost Maaskí. Obs. The following families are known to me: 1. The Suu-puut (Huu-puut) at the sources of the River Nasym, which the Samoyeds call the Maasam and the Ostyaks the Maasang; the Samoyeds living by the sea call it the Maaski'. On the same river (lower down) there are also Ostyaks (Nasym) who are baptised and have yurts. The Samoyeds have two to ten reindeer; they fish during the summer and winter, and this is their main source of livelihood. They also hunt wild reindeer (with rifles), squirrels, and less valuable animals. Volost Maaskí. NB:
Ethnographiska, historiska och statiska anmärkningar. 240
2. Jewsi, Also known as Jiwsi (Verbov), Еуши, Иуси, Юси. It seems the name is first mentioned by Castrén; since then, it has been met in the descriptions and population censuses (Zenʹko-Nemčinova 2006: 17–52). bo i Samarovska volosten The Samarovskaja volostʹ, of which the centre is Samarovo, today Chanty-Mansijsk (Ru)/Jomvoš (Khanty)/Abga (Mansi) on the Obˈ at N61°0′10″ E69°1′10″. (TS) i trakten af byn Toropkowa Currently Skripunova at N61°19’36’’E69°45’31’’ Wыngamsá volost näst hitom Siljarskoj Selijarovo at N61°17′38″ E70°21′5″. (TS) wid små bäckar, såsom Hance-jaha (R[yska]. och Ostj[akiska]. Son-jeaga), Niistje (R[yska]. [och] Ostj[akiska]. Jeu jeaga) o. s. v. Uppgå sig till 8 skattbetalande och sade sig tillhöra Ljaminska Samojj., hvka de ega sma språk och trobytning De äro ur- fattiga, ega 1-5 renar, fiska om våren med nät, om sommaren med mjerdor. Fara stundom upp till Nasym och Ljamin om vintern, om fisket ej är gynnande hemma. I allmänhet flytta Samojj.[Samojeder] ifrån ställe till ställe för att fiska, emedan fisken olika år finnes på ol[ika]. stl.[ställen] Bo sommar och vinter i näfver-tält. 2. The Jewsi live in the Samarov volost' in the vicinity of the village of Toropkowa (Wыngamsá volost) next to Siljarskoj by small streams, such as the Hance-jaha (Russian and Ostyak Son-jeaga), Niistje (Russian and Ostyak Jeu jeaga), etc. They are really poor, have one to five reindeer, and fish in the spring with nets and in summer with fish traps. Sometimes they go up to the Nasym and Ljamin in the winter if the fishing is not favourable at home. In general, the Samoyeds move from one place to another to fish, because the fish are found in different places in different years. They spend the summers and winters in birch bark tents.